
Photo by Igor Mikhalev, from Ian Frazier's "On the Prison Highway"
In this series, I choose ten of my favorite New Yorker travel pieces, one per month, and try to express why I like them. Today’s pick is Ian Frazier’s unforgettable “On the Prison Highway” (August 30, 2010).
This is one of the most profound travel pieces I’ve ever read. It takes us to the Russian heart of darkness – a deserted Siberian prison camp. Most of the physical travel takes place in the first paragraph:
In early March of 2005, I flew from New York to Vladivostok and met my Russian guide, Sergei Lunev, whom I’d travelled with before. Sergei, a hale fellow in his sixties, is the head of a robotics lab in St. Petersburg who guides various expeditions for the adventure and the extra cash. From Vladivostok Sergei and I flew to Irkutsk, took a train around the southern end of Lake Baikal to Ulan Ude, went partway up the lake by bus, continued to the lake’s northern end in a hired car on Baikal’s winter ice road for two hundred and twenty miles, caught the Baikal-Amur Mainline at the tip of the lake, rode for fifty-some hours on the train, and then hired other cars to take us farther north, to the city of Yakutsk and beyond.
That is an immense journey. If you want to know the details, you can find them in Frazier’s superb Travels in Siberia (2010), one of my all-time favorite books. The purpose of the journey is to find Soviet-era prison camps. Frazier has read about them. He wants to see them. He says, “On previous Siberian journeys, I had looked for prisons, without much success. This time, I was determined to find them.”
Past Yakutsk, Frazier and his guide travel on prisoner-built roads, the last of which, called the Topolinskaya Highway, no longer functions year-round. Frazier says of it, “Its ingeniously engineered log bridges were falling down and the streams they spanned had to be crossed on the ice.”
Stalin-era prison camps (“lagers”), long abandoned, appear at regular intervals along this road. About thirty miles from the reindeer-herder village of Topolinoe, their driver points to a guard tower and other structures on one side of the road. They stop. Frazier and Sergei get out and wade toward them in thigh-deep snow.
Frazier’s description of the camp is extraordinary, becoming ever more immersive as details come into focus.
He begins,
The lager lay in a narrow valley between sparsely wooded hills. The gray, scraggly trees, which did not make it to the hills’ higher slopes, grew more thickly near the lager and partly surrounded it; a few small birches had sprung up inside what had been the camp’s perimeter. Their bare branches contrasted with the white of the snow on the roof of the barracks building, whose wall, set back under the eaves, was dark. In the whiteness of an open field a guard tower tilted sideways like someone putting all his weight on one leg. A ladder-like set of steps still led up to it, and two eye-like window openings added to the anthropomorphic effect. In the endless and pristine snow cover I saw no tire tracks, road ruts, abandoned oil drums, or other sign that any human had been here since the camp was left to the elements, half a century before.
He continues:
At first view, the camp looked as I’d expected. There were the fence posts shaped like upside-down L’s, the ink-black barbed wire, the inch-long barbs shaped like bayonets. Some of the posts leaned in one direction or another, and the barbed-wire strands drooped or fell to the ground; the fencing, and the second line of fence posts, several metres beyond, and the low, shameful barracks, with its two doors and three windows, fit exactly with the picture of a Siberian prison camp that one has in the mind. Sergei had drifted off to the left to videotape the lager from the side. I went in by the front gate, which was standing open. When I was inside the perimeter, the camp lost its generic-ness and became instead this particular Russian structure of its own.
He describes its fence posts and walls:
To begin with, the whole place was as handmade as a mud hut. The fence posts shaped like upside-down L’s weren’t factory stock that had been produced elsewhere but plain logs, peeled and smoothed, with narrow boards atop them to complete the L. And the side of the barracks wall, which from a distance had appeared to be stucco, was actually a daubed plastering over thin strips of lath that crossed each other diagonally, like basketwork. I broke a piece of the plastering off in my hand; at one time it had been painted a pale yellow and it crumbled easily. It seemed to be nothing more than a spackle of mud and river sand.
Aside from the nails and the barbed wire, I could see almost no factory-made product that had been used in the construction. Next to the windows were white ceramic insulators that had probably held electrified wire; no trace of mullions or window glass remained. The roof beam ran parallel to the building’s length, and along the slope of the roof at each end a facing board about five inches wide had been nailed. These boards covered the raw edge of the roof and extended from beam to eaves, and at the end of each board a very small swirl of scrollwork had been carved. The embellishment was so out of place it caught the eye. I wondered what carpenter or designer had thought to put a touch of decoration on such a building.
He describes the barracks:
The floor of the barracks was worn planking, tightly joined and still sound. I saw nothing on it but a few twists of straw and the wooden sole of a shoe. A short, cylindrical iron stove rusted near a corner. Its stovepipe was gone and the hole for it in the plank roof above had been covered over. Prisoners who had lived in barracks like this reported that the stove usually heated a radius of five to six metres. As this building was maybe ten metres from end to end, areas of it must always have been cold. From inside you could see the logs that the walls were made of. The cracks between the logs had been chinked with moss. The barracks space had been divided into several rooms, with bunks set into the walls. The bunks also were made of bare planks—some planed on both sides, some planed on only one. Planks with the bark still on them had been fitted into the bunks so that the bark side faced down.
Looking at the interior of the barracks, Frazier thinks of the enormous amount of suffering that occurred there:
Often prisoners in places like this had to sleep on the unimproved planking, or on thin mattresses stuffed with sawdust. For covering they might have had a single blanket, or nothing besides the clothes they wore during the day. Mornings began as early as 4 a.m., when the guards would awaken them by pounding with a hammer on a saw blade. That wakeup alarm and the screeching of the guard dogs’ chains on the wires stretched between the watchtowers as the dogs ran back and forth were characteristic sounds of the camps. Before the prisoners went out to work, they were given breakfast—usually soup with a small piece of fish or meat, and bread. Even in 1977, not a lean time, the diet in Soviet strict-regime camps provided only twenty-six hundred calories per prisoner per day, and less in the punishment blocks and sick wards. The international standard for a person actively working is thirty-two hundred to forty-two hundred calories per day. Like almost all labor-camp prisoners, the ones in this barracks would have been hungry almost all the time.
He notes that the death toll could be cruelly high in camps like this one:
Well over a million died in the camps just in 1937-1938, the Great Purge’s peak years. A main goal of the Soviet labor-camp system was to take those citizens the Soviet Union did not need, for political or social or unfathomable reasons, and convert their lives to gold and timber, which could be traded abroad.
He says,
When I looked at the barracks’ tiers of bunks I pictured male zeks—the word for gulag prisoners—lying on them, but the prisoners here might have been women, too. Female zeks worked in timber-cutting camps and on road-building details, and even mined gold. Their resilience was greater than men’s, as was their ability to withstand pain. Or perhaps this barracks had been one of those occupied by and completely under the control of criminals. This distressingly numerous class played the camp system to exempt themselves from labor and, with the encouragement of the authorities, preyed on the political prisoners. The criminals’ ethics and speech seeped into everybody’s life. Political prisoners later said that the criminals in the camps were more dangerous than the meagre food and the killing work conditions. The gulag also had lagers for children. Eugenia Ginzburg, who served eighteen years in the camps of Kolyma, wrote that when a camp of child prisoners was given two guard-dog puppies to raise the children at first could not think of anything to name them. The poverty of their surroundings had stripped their imaginations bare. Finally, they chose names from common objects they saw every day. They named one puppy Ladle and the other Pail.
What strikes Frazier most forcefully is the camp’s “overwhelming aura of absence.” He writes,
The deserted prison camp just sat there—unexcused, untorn-down, unexplained. During its years of operation, it had been a secret, and in some sense it still was. Horrors had happened here, and/or miseries and sufferings and humiliations short of true horrors. “No comment,” the site seemed to say.
Frazier wants the secrecy dispelled. He wants these prison camps marked as historic sites, reminders of the horror of Stalinism and man’s inhumanity to man. He says,
I thought that this camp, and all the others along this road, needed large historical markers in front of them, with names and dates and details; and there should be ongoing archeology here, and areas roped off, and painstaking excavation, and well-informed docents in heated kiosks giving talks to visitors. Teams of researchers should be out looking for camp survivors, if any, and for former guards, and for whoever had baked the bread in the bakery. Extensive delving into K.G.B. or Dalstroi files should be finding out who exactly was imprisoned here when, and what they were in for, and what became of them. The zek engineers and builders who made the hand-constructed bridges should be recognized and their photographs placed on monuments beside the road, and the whole Topolinskaya Highway, for all its hundred and eighty-nine kilometres, should be declared a historic district, and the graves, of which there may be many, should be found and marked and given requiem.
What monster was responsible for these camps? Frazier points his finger directly at one man – Stalin. He says,
The camp I was looking at, and all the camps along this road, and the road itself, were Stalin. His was the single animating spirit of the place. The road project and its camps had come into existence by his fiat, had continued to exist in fear of his will, and had ended like a blown-out match with his death. The fact that the world has not yet decided what to say about Stalin was the reason these camps were standing with no change or context; the sense of absence here was because of that.
The piece ends unforgettably:
The strange feeling of absence that prevailed in the frozen silence here had to do with the secrecy and evil of the place’s conception, and with its permanent abandonment, in shame, after its author was gone. Now the place existed only nominally in present time and space; the abandoned camp was a single preserved thought in a dead man’s mind.

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